Hyperliquid’s edge

Seems to me that Hyperliquid is the only major platform that doesn’t need KYC..

On app.hyperliquid.xyz, you can:

  • Click Connect
  • Enter an email address
  • Enter the six-digit code
  • Hyperliquid creates a blockchain wallet address for that email
  • Deposit funds and trade

It doesn’t need KYC Because Hyperliquid currently treats itself as a non-custodial blockchain protocol/interface, rather than a conventional exchange holding customer accounts.

The caveat is that there is no direct fiat deposits and it’s all on-chain settlement.

The Rise and Fall of Gold: From the Asian Financial Crisis to 2013

Gold’s journey is a textbook of financial / world history. The cycle developed in stages: the end of a long bear market, the monetary response to the dot-com crash, China’s commodity boom, the 2008 financial crisis, the Eurozone debt crisis, and finally the reversal of the crisis-era gold trade.

Chapter 1: The Asian Financial Crisis

The metal averaged roughly $332 per ounce in 1997, fell below $300 during 1998, and remained depressed through the end of the decade.

At first glance, this appears strange. A financial crisis should seemingly increase demand for a safe asset such as gold. What happened exactly?

What is the nature of this crisis? Asian banks and corporations across the region had borrowed heavily in dollars, often at short maturities. When foreign capital suddenly left, local currencies collapsed and borrowers urgently needed dollars to repay their debts. The IMF describes how a sudden reversal of capital flows pushed Asian currencies into a downward spiral and left many dollar borrowers insolvent.

That created intense demand for the dollar itself and dollar rose dramatically against asian currencies. Because gold is quoted internationally in dollars, dollar strength placed downward pressure on the USD gold price. The crisis also weakened incomes and jewelry demand across important Asian gold-consuming markets.

Western central-bank behavior added further pressure. During the 1990s, European reserve managers sold or lent substantial amounts of gold. The World Gold Council says persistent official selling helped push gold toward $250 per ounce and eventually led to the 1999 Washington Agreement, which limited coordinated sales.

Plus, this was a period with high Fed interest rate. The Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) raised the intended federal funds rate to 5.5% in March 1997 and held it steady for over a year. As the crisis caused a “flight to safety” and threatened the US economy through spillovers like the Long-Term Capital Management collapse, the Fed cut rates three times between September and December 1998 by a total of 0.75% – but still not low as compared with periods after dot-com bubble burst.

Yet gold did not necessarily fail as a safe asset for Asian households. The correct measure was not simply gold in dollars, but gold in local currency:

Local gold price = USD gold price × local-currency price of the dollar.

If gold declined 10% in dollars while a local currency lost 50% of its value, gold would still rise sharply in that local currency. Someone who already owned gold before the devaluation could preserve purchasing power even though the international dollar price of gold was falling.

The problem was timing. Once a currency had collapsed, gold immediately became much more expensive locally. Households facing unemployment, debt repayments or bank failures often needed to sell existing gold for liquidity rather than buy more. Gold was therefore effective insurance for those who held it before the crisis, but it was not a cheap hedge that everyone could purchase after the panic had begun.

The Asian crisis showed that “safe haven” is a relative concept. During a scramble for dollar liquidity, the dollar can outperform gold internationally. At the same time, gold can still protect investors against the collapse of their own currency.

Chapter 2: The Dot-Com Bubble Burst

A first institutional turning point came on September 26, 1999, when European central banks announced the Washington Agreement on Gold. The agreement followed concern that uncoordinated central-bank sales were “destabilising the market, driving the gold price sharply down.”

However, gold did not immediately enter a sustained bull market. U.S. technology stocks were booming, the dollar remained strong, and the Federal Reserve was tightening monetary policy.

When the dot-com bubble peaked in March 2000, gold traded at approximately $285–290 per ounce. Rather than rallying immediately as technology shares collapsed, gold continued to weaken.

The Fed raised the federal-funds target to 6.0% on March 21, 2000, and then to 6.5% on May 16. High cash yields and a strong dollar made non-yielding gold relatively unattractive.

Gold eventually fell toward approximately $256–260 per ounce in Mar/Apr 2001. Gold bottoms about 13 months after the Nasdaq peak, not at the same time.Its delayed response demonstrated that gold is not simply the inverse of technology stocks. The initial bursting of an equity bubble was insufficient to produce a gold bull market while monetary policy remained restrictive.

Chapter 3: Fed Easing, 9/11, China’s WTO Entry, and China-Led Commodity Cycle

The decisive monetary shift came in 2001. As the technology downturn spread into the wider economy, the Fed began cutting rates in January 2021. The federal-funds target fell from 6.5% in late 2000 to 1.75% by December 2001, and later reached 1% in June 2003.

Gold began recovering as investors anticipated lower returns on cash, weaker economic growth and an eventual decline in the dollar. Lower nominal and expected real rates begin reducing the opportunity cost of holding gold. The market starts anticipating a sustained easy-money regime.

 

Fed decision date Cut New target Gold AM fix Gold PM fix
Jan. 3, 2001 −50 bp 6.00% $269.00 $267.15
Jan. 31, 2001 −50 bp 5.50% $266.20 $264.50
Mar. 20, 2001 −50 bp 5.00% $262.60 $261.55
Apr. 18, 2001 −50 bp 4.50% $260.10 $258.85
May 15, 2001 −50 bp 4.00% $268.05 $266.60
Jun. 27, 2001 −25 bp 3.75% $276.00 $274.80
Aug. 21, 2001 −25 bp 3.50% $276.95 $276.30
Sep. 17, 2001 −50 bp 3.00% $291.00 $293.25
Oct. 2, 2001 −50 bp 2.50% $291.10 $291.65
Nov. 6, 2001 −50 bp 2.00% $278.90 $278.95
Dec. 11, 2001 −25 bp 1.75% $272.60 $272.20

The September 11 attacks increased safe-haven demand and prompted additional monetary easing.

In 2001, gold held above its April 2001 low but remained only around the high-$270s at year-end.

A second structural change arrived when China joined the World Trade Organization on December 11, 2001. The WTO later described the accession as a “pivotal event,” noting that accession-related reforms contributed to China’s economic transformation and modernization.

China’s WTO entry did not cause a one-day surge in gold. Its importance was prospective. Financial markets began anticipating years of export growth, foreign investment, factory construction, infrastructure spending and urbanization.

That expectation was especially powerful for oil, copper, iron ore and other industrial commodities. Gold’s relationship was less direct, but it participated in the broader commodity allocation as investors began treating commodities as a distinct asset class.

From 2002 through 2008, gold rose every calendar year on a year-end basis.

Year Annual average Year-end price Year-end return
2002 $310 $342.75 +24.0%
2003 $363 $417.25 +21.7%
2004 $410 $435.60 +4.4%
2005 $445 $513.00 +17.8%
2006 $604 about $636 +24%
2007 $695 about $836 +32%
2008 $872 about $870 +4%

From 2002 onward, gold rose alongside the commodity supercycle. It benefited from Chinese growth, a weakening dollar, higher energy prices, geopolitical uncertainty and an expanding investor allocation to commodities.

The launch of exchange-traded gold products also made the market more accessible. SPDR Gold Shares began trading in the United States in November 2004, allowing investors to gain gold exposure without directly storing bars or coins.

This period cannot simply be described as one of continuously falling interest rates. The Fed raised the federal-funds target from 1% in 2004 to 5.25% in June 2006. Gold nevertheless continued rising because dollar weakness, commodity inflation and investment demand remained supportive.

Chapter 4: The 2008 Global Financial Crisis, The 2011 Eurozone Debt Crisis

The 2008 Global Financial Crisis then changed the nature of the bull market. Gold initially declined during the most intense liquidation as investors sold assets to raise cash. But the collapse of major financial institutions, near-zero policy rates and large-scale central-bank asset purchases turned gold from a commodity-cycle investment into a hedge against systemic and monetary risk. Investors became concerned that quantitative easing, government deficits and rapidly expanding central-bank balance sheets could eventually weaken paper currencies.

The European sovereign-debt crisis and the 2011 downgrade of U.S. government debt reinforced demand for monetary insurance.

On April 23, 2010, Greece formally requested EU-IMF assistance.

In July 2011, euro-area leaders accepted private-sector participation in a second Greek rescue—effectively acknowledging that sovereign bondholders could take losses. This restructuring was widely seen as “voluntary” in name only. Eurozone governments and the IMF made it clear that Greece would default completely without this deal – private banks and investors faced total loss if they refused to participate.. Mainstream financial institutions were heavily pressured by their own national governments to accept the terms.

Soon afterward, yields on Italian and Spanish debt surged, forcing the ECB to resume bond purchases on 7 August 2011. This was the more powerful moment for gold. The crisis was no longer about whether tiny Greece could repay its debts; it was about whether Italy, Spain, European banks and the euro itself could survive.

On August 5, 2011, Standard & Poor’s cut the United States’ long-term sovereign rating from AAA to AA+, the first such downgrade by S&P. Gold surged above $1,770 within days.

By September 2011, gold had risen to almost $1,900 per ounce, with the intraday price briefly reaching approximately $1,921.

In noticeable decline of gold price in later part of 2011 can be explained by crowded positions, some of the worst sovereign fears temporarily easing and Feb extending the maturity of its bond holdings.

As volatility increased, CME raised the collateral required to hold gold-futures positions. A September 23 notice raised speculative initial margin on standard gold futures from $9,450 to $11,475 per contract, effective September 26, 2011. Leveraged traders therefore had to contribute more cash or close positions, intensifying the late-September fall.

During autumn 2011, European leaders advanced a second Greek rescue, bank-recapitalization plans and a larger proposed Greek haircut. Those measures did not solve the crisis, but periodically reduced immediate tail risk. Gold fell on September 15 after European leaders reiterated their commitment to keeping Greece in the euro, encouraging a temporary shift from safe havens into risk assets.

The Fed’s QE2 Treasury-purchase program ended in June 2011. In September, the Fed announced Operation Twist—extending the maturity of its bond holdings—but it did not initially expand the balance sheet in the same way as QE1 or QE2.

Year Annual average Year-end close Annual return
2008 $871.96 $869.75 +4.0%
2009 $972.35 $1,087.50 +25.0%
2010 $1,224.53 $1,420.25 +30.6%
2011 $1,571.52 $1,531.00 +7.8%

In Feb 2012, the subsequent Greece restructuring abandoned the voluntary facade entirely. Greece retroactively inserted laws forcing all bondholders to accept losses if a majority agreed. This forced mechanism triggered insurance payouts (Credit Default Swaps), proving the financial markets viewed it as an involuntary default.

The Greek debt crisis stabilized in mid-2012 from a market standpoint – the acute panic that threatened to destroy the Eurozone was stopped when European Central Bank (ECB) President Mario Draghi famously declared that the ECB would do “whatever it takes” to preserve the euro.

Gold price rose by ~9% in 2012.

Chapter 5: Gold Collapsed in 2013

Gold remained elevated in 2012, but its underlying investment thesis was weakening. The banking system was stabilizing, the U.S. economy was recovering and the large inflation surge feared after quantitative easing had not materialized.

In 2013, investors began anticipating that the Federal Reserve would reduce its bond purchases. Expectations of tapering pushed Treasury and real yields higher, increasing the opportunity cost of owning an asset that pays no interest.

At the same time, confidence in the U.S. recovery improved and equities rallied. Gold was no longer required to provide the same degree of crisis insurance.

Selling through exchange-traded funds magnified the move. Western investors who had accumulated gold during the post-2008 crisis began liquidating positions. Strong buying of jewelry, bars and coins in China and India absorbed large quantities of physical metal, but could not fully offset institutional ETF selling.

Gold ended 2013 down approximately 28%, ending a 12-year sequence of annual gains.

Epilogue

The 2013 decline represented the reversal of the forces that had driven the bull market.

Gold had benefited first from the end of central-bank selling, then from Fed easing and dollar weakness, then from China’s commodity cycle, and finally from fears surrounding the global financial system and unconventional monetary policy.

In 2013, those conditions reversed: real yields rose, confidence recovered and investors began dismantling the crisis-era gold trade.

The complete cycle can therefore be understood in five stages:

1997–1999: Asian currency crisis, dollar strength and central-bank selling depressed gold in USD terms, although gold still protected many local-currency holders.

2000–2001: The dot-com bubble burst, but gold remained weak until the Fed moved decisively from tightening to easing.

2001–2007: China’s WTO accession, dollar weakness and the commodity supercycle supported a broad gold bull market.

2008–2011: The financial crisis, quantitative easing and sovereign-risk concerns transformed gold into monetary insurance.

2013: Rising real yields and improving confidence triggered ETF liquidation and the collapse of the crisis-era trade.

Year Annual average Year-end close Annual return
1997 $331.02 $287.05 −22.2%
1998 $294.24 $288.70 +0.6%
1999 $278.98 $290.25 +0.5%
2000 $279.11 $272.65 −6.1%
2001 $271.04 $276.50 +1.4%
2002 $309.73 $342.75 +24.0%
2003 $363.38 $417.25 +21.7%
2004 $409.72 $435.60 +4.4%
2005 $444.74 $513.00 +17.8%
2006 $603.46 $635.70 +23.9%
2007 $695.39 $836.50 +31.6%
2008 $871.96 $869.75 +4.0%
2009 $972.35 $1,087.50 +25.0%
2010 $1,224.53 $1,420.25 +30.6%
2011 $1,571.52 $1,531.00 +7.8%
2012 $1,668.98 $1,664.00 +8.7%
2013 $1,411.23 $1,204.50 −27.6%

US treasury vs US market cap

From 2016 to 2026,

US federal gross debt grew from ~$19 trillion to ~$38 trillion.

US total market cap grew from $25 trillion to ~$75 trillion.

Debt doubled and market cap tripled.

That is probably higher valuation but also can mean better structure of the economy, better competitiveness, better margins.

A rough decomposition of the gap might be:

  • ~50–60% from real earnings growth and improved business quality.
  • ~40–50% from valuation expansion and expectations for future AI-driven productivity.

The April US inflation print

In April, CPI hit 3.8% annually and 0.6% MoM. Excluding food and energy, the core CPI increased 2.8% and 0.4%.

The 3.8% annual figure is the highest since May 2023.

However, as shelter is a big part of CPI, and Oct 2025 data is missing, there is a one-off bump here (0.6% MoM).

  • Normally, each housing unit in the CPI rent sample is surveyed once every six months. BLS converts the observed six-month rent change into a monthly rate.
  • Because October 2025 rent data were missing, the October index recorded zero rent change for that panel. When the same units were finally surveyed again in April 2026, BLS measured the accumulated rent change from April 2025 to April 2026 and converted it into a monthly estimate. BLS says the April estimate is therefore effectively based on the sixth root of a 12-month change, instead of the usual sixth root of a six-month change

Oil price is obviously rising a lot, in March/April/May.

but that has eased in Jun

Other interesting items like tomatoes.. which rose 15% MoM in April, is impacted by bad weather and US gov July 2025 17.09% antidumping duty on Mexico tomatoes.

The end of a cycle of liquidity for Chinese ADR and overseas listed companies

Investors rediscovered China mostly after the policy shift in Sep 2024.

However the ADRs and overseas listed companies still sold off in the subsequent month and the “924” effect nearly reversed.

The second wave of enthusiasm came with the famous “DeepSeek moment” in Feb 2025.

However, the entire world including Chinese ADR and overseas listed companies sold off with Trump’s liberation day in Apr 2025.

The current cycle is the third one and it plays out longer.

While the previous two cycles are fundament driven (policy and tech), the third cycle is a liquidity one I believe.

The most obvious sign is the near zero HIBOR (HK over night interest rate), starting in May 2026.

Meanwhile, there are various short-form videos, social media posts and anecdotes about mainland Chinese people go to HK to open bank accounts and brokerage accounts.

The troubling sign emerged probably when IBKR rejected mainland Chinese to open accounts in Oct 2025.

The Chinese ADRs and overseas listed companies peaked about that time with subsequent AI bubble worries etc.

As the stocks had risen for quite a few months and are at quite elevated levels, it also took time for it to come down.

Iran war accelerated this.

And the Futu/Tiger/LongBridge news in May 2026 marks the end of the cycle.

While it can take some time for remaining selldown to happen, it seems still manageable and valuation is not demanding.

PE multiple

PE multiple is not only a reflection of earnings quality, earnings growth/cagr, etc.

It’s also an encouragement or discouragement for value creation.

If $1 of profit is worth 10x in HK and 50x in A-share, companies could be more encouraged to create more value for A-share shareholders.

The same rationale also applies to upstream or downstream players – PE multiple can influence whether revenue or profit should sit more or less in supplier or customer etc.

First quarter China household net additional mortgage lowest in 10 years

For the first quarter of 2026, the net increase in mid-to-long-term household rmb debt is lower than 2015 by ~33%. This is an approx of net new mortgages.

2015 was the year of 棚改货币化 / 去库存

2016 was the year of 房住不炒 (near end of the year)

1q26 – 2026年一季度金融统计数据报告

3月末,本外币贷款余额284.51万亿元,同比增长5.7%。月末人民币贷款余额280.51万亿元,同比增长5.7%。一季度人民币贷款增加8.6万亿元。分部门看,住户贷款增加2967亿元,其中,短期贷款减少1640亿元,中长期贷款增加4607亿元;企(事)业单位贷款增加8.6万亿元,其中,短期贷款增加4.13万亿元,中长期贷款增加5.42万亿元,票据融资减少1.1万亿元;非银行业金融机构贷款减少3680亿元。

1q15 – 2015年一季度金融统计数据报告

3月末,本外币贷款余额91.52万亿元,同比增长13.3%。月末人民币贷款余额85.91万亿元,同比增长14.0%,增速比上月末低0.3个百分点,比去年末高0.3个百分点。一季度人民币贷款增加3.68万亿元,同比多增6018亿元。分部门看,住户贷款增加8892亿元,其中,短期贷款增加2064亿元,中长期贷款增加6828亿元;非金融企业及其他部门贷款增加2.71万亿元,其中,短期贷款增加9543亿元,中长期贷款增加1.48万亿元,票据融资增加1643亿元;非银行业金融机构贷款增加632亿元。3月份人民币贷款增加1.18万亿元,同比少增661亿元。月末外币贷款余额9146亿美元,同比增长4.0%,一季度外币贷款增加341亿美元。

In fact, you need to go back to 2012 to find a lower number.

1q12 – 2012年一季度金融统计数据报告

3月末,本外币贷款余额60.77万亿元,同比增长15.5%。人民币贷款余额57.25万亿元,同比增长15.7%,比上月末高0.5个百分点,比上年末低0.1个百分点。一季度人民币贷款增加2.46万亿元,同比多增2170亿元。分部门看,住户贷款增加4995亿元,其中,短期贷款增加2581亿元,中长期贷款增加2414亿元;非金融企业及其他部门贷款增加1.95万亿元,其中,短期贷款增加1.05万亿元,中长期贷款增加5906亿元,票据融资增加2575亿元。月末外币贷款余额5595亿美元,同比增长17.2%,一季度外币贷款增加211亿美元。

M1 vs M2 gap in China

Back in 2016 and 2017, M1 growth was meaningfully faster than M2 growth in China, which typically indicates a high willingness to spend or invest in the economy.

That is a bullish sign.

On the contrary, if M1 growth is below M2 growth by a wide margin, it usually indicates people would rather save more than spend or invest.

That negative gap was deepening throughout 2024 till the famous 924 stimulus.

Using revised M1 growth rate, the negative gap was about -5% at the beginning of 2024 and about -10% in Sep 2024.

That negative gap shrunk to about -1% in Sep 2025 and about -3% in Feb 2026.

Actually, looking at M2 growth alone might give you a glimpse of China’s economy pulse and sentiment.

 

Powell’s lesson on oil supply shock

Fed is hard to react to oil supply shock.

1/ Fed is designed to manage demand. It cannot produce more oil or open shipping lanes. Historically, the Fed “looks through” supply shocks unless they start to bleed into the broader economy (secondary effects / expectation for inflation rises).

2/ Energy shocks often spike and subside relatively quickly. However, Fed policies take months or even years to fully permeate the economy. Fed would be slowing down the economy exactly when it might be trying to recover from the high energy costs.

“By the time the effects of a tightening in monetary policy take effect, the oil price shock is probably long gone, and you’re weighing on the economy at a time when it’s not appropriate.”

China’s currency policy

It’s a very keen observation and description by Kenneth Rogoff in his book Our Dollar, Your Problem that China prioritizes a USD exchange-rate objective over domestic inflation targeting.

What are the implications?

1/ Tighter capital movement control

The “impossible trinity” says a country cannot simultaneously have a fixed (or tightly managed) exchange rate, free capital movement, and independent monetary policy.

Since China uses the peg and China wants more independent monetary policy (when Fed raised interest rate last cycle in 2022, China didn’t follow), it has to have tighter capital movement control.

Or PBOC policy shall move more in-line with US Fed policy.

2/ Real exchange rate moves

With a mostly fixed nominal RMB/USD, the real exchange rate moves via the inflation gap:

If China inflation below the US, China gets a real depreciation (more competitive) even without nominal RMB weakening. This is what happened in the last few years, and foreigners will find traveling in China very cheap (e.g. Chinese hotel price).

If China inflation above the US, China gets a real appreciation (less competitive) even if the nominal stays “stable.”

3/ Intervention can force money/credit swings 

Defending the exchange-rate path often requires buying/selling FX:

When inflows are strong, the central bank buys USD and creates RMB liquidity (which can be inflationary/credit-boosting).

When outflows dominate, defending the rate can drain RMB liquidity (which can be contractionary).

4/ It tends to bias the economy toward tradables and away from household consumption

If the RMB is held weaker than it otherwise would be (or just “less strong” than productivity would imply), it functions like:

a subsidy to exporters/tradable producers, and

a tax on importers/consumers (imports cost more in RMB terms than under a stronger currency).

5/ Bigger reserves and bigger balance-sheet exposure to USD assets

Exchange-rate management usually accumulates FX reserves (especially in surplus periods). That brings valuation risk when USD moves, opportunity cost (low-yield reserve assets vs domestic needs), geopolitical/financial exposure to the dollar system.